Tipping used to be an open-ended question. We decided the percentage and calculated the amount ourselves. Today, it has become a multipe-choice question. Pre-set options along with exact amounts are displayed on receipts or screens. This shift has changed how we feel about the act of tipping.
At Kabuto in Long Beach, the receipt offers three tipping options: 20%, 15%, or 10%, arranged from highest to lowest. It gave me a sense of flexibility, but the order and limited range pushed me toward choosing within a set range.
Lori’s Diner in San Francisco took a more assertive approach. The receipt included checkboxes for 18%, 20%, or 25%, and showed the final total for each selection. This removed the burden to calcuate, but made it harder to say no.
At Eel River Café at Garberville, the screen displayed four tipping buttons for 15%, 20%, 25%, and even 30%. Each amount was pre-calculated and shown clearly, creating a sense of obligation.
What once felt like a personal gesture of appreciation now feels more like a social obligation. As tip percentages rise and digital prompts become aggressive, the tipping experience shifts from a sincere expression of thanks to a manufactured sense of guilt.
The paper presents a model of the evolution of social norms. When a norm is costly to follow and people do not derive benefits from following it other than avoiding social disapproval, the norm erodes over time. Tip percentages, however, increased over the years, suggesting that people derive benefits from tipping including impressing others and improving their self-image as being generous and kind. The implications to the norm of not cooperating with new workers who accept lower wages are discussed; the model suggests that incumbent workers have reasons to follow this norm in addition to avoiding social disapproval.
While filling up my car at a California gas station, I often noticed three red stickers on the pumps. Initially, I thought the pumps were new. However, I soon learned that these red tapes are security stickers designed to prevent card skimming scams.
Card skimming occurs when criminals place fake card readers over the real ones to steal credit card information. If someone tries to tamper with the machine, the seal breaks.
I have been instinctively looking for these red stickers at the gas station. Interestingly, I actually feel relieved when they are not there because it means the machine has not been tampered with.
This simple visual cue further changes how I behave. Now I prefer to tap my credit card instead of inserting it.
Researchers once said consumers might hesitate to use contactless payment because of perceived risks. But at California gas stations, tapping feels safer. Real people do not behave the way academic research expects them to.
Purpose: This study develops and tests a conceptual model that combines the modified Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT2) with a consumer brand engagement model to predict consumers’ usage intentions toward contactless payment systems in a developed country.
Design/methodology/approach – We cooperated with a contactless payment service provider in Finland and reached out to 22,000 customers, resulting in 1,165 usable responses. The collected data were analyzed using structural equation modeling.
Findings – The study shows that the UTAUT2 and the consumer brand engagement model together explain approximately 70% of the variance in usage intention. Of the predictors, habit and consumers’ overall satisfaction have the strongest influence on usage intentions. The model also confirms the positive relationship between intention and use.
Practical implications – Understanding the reasons for both the intention to use and the continued use of contactless payments is important for merchants, banks, and other service providers. This study shows which technology adoption factors drive both the intention and the use of contactless payments. The finding that intention is mainly driven by habit and overall satisfaction and not by hedonic reasons indicates that such behaviors are difficult to change.
Originality/value – This study is among the first to examine contactless payment usage in a developed market, where over half of all point-of-sale transactions are executed using contactless payment cards and/or cell phones.
In the crowded world of running shoes, big names like Nike and Adidas are everywhere. But even with these giants, ON Running is making a mark.
It started in 2010 in Switzerland. One of the three founders, Olivier Bernhard, wanted a new kind of running shoe. He tried something different by attaching pieces of garden hose to shoe soles. This simple idea led to CloudTec, making runners feel like they are running on clouds.
One possible reason why ON Running is successful is its smart naming of this technology. The word “Cloud” signals softness, while “Tec” adds a sense of innovation. Without knowing the details of the technology, consumers can easily grasp that these shoes provide a unique running experience: soft landings followed by explosive take-offs.
This research develops a taxonomy of alphanumeric brand names (ABs) based on the alignment between the brand names and their links to products and attributes. Five empirical studies reveal that ABs have systematic effects on consumers’ product choices, moderated by consumers’ need for cognition, the availability of product attribute information, and the taxonomic category of the AB. In an identical choice set, the choice share of a product option whose brand name takes a higher versus lower numeric portion (e.g., X-200 versus X-100) increases, and it is preferred more even when it is objectively inferior to other choice alternatives. Consumers with low need for cognition use “the higher, the better” heuristic to select options labeled with ABs and choose brands with higher numeric portions. Consumers with high need for cognition process ABs more systematically and make inferences about attribute values based on brand name–attribute correlations. The effects of ABs on consumer preferences are prevalent for most technical products, even when consumers do not know the product category or meanings of attributes.
It is hard to find souvenirs in California that are not available in Korea. Because of this, I do not usually feel drawn to specific stores. However, Jupiter & Main at Half Moon Bay caught my attention. This store carefully selects items made from natural materials and hand-crafted designs. The collection includes leather goods and handmade decor.
I could not pass by another store, Makers Market at Santana Row in San Jose. This store also features handcrafted goods made from natural materials. The range includes leather, wood, and textiles, all showcasing expert craftsmanship.
I am attracted to these stores likely because of a psychological association between the material of a product and the perception of its authenticity. For example, when a material like leather is local, I may assume that the finished product is also local. While this perception is not always accurate, it becomes stronger when handmade or hand-crafted elements are involved. This association makes handmade crafts using leather or natural materials particularly appealing as souvenirs. As someone who values authenticity, these products feel local, and stores featuring them create local experience.
Drawing from image-elicited depth interviews, we investigate whether consumers pursue the consumption of authentic objects with specific personal goals in mind. We find that consumers are motivated to focus on those particular cues in objects that for them convey authenticity (what is genuine, real, and/or true) and that this decision-making process is driven by a desire to draw different identity benefits (control, connection, virtue) from authentic objects. Our interpretive analysis elaborates contributions to theorizing related to consumer agency in seeking authentic consumption experience. We provide cultural explanations for the desire to assert the authentic self in these particular ways.
During a visit to a CVS store in Redwood City, California, I encountered an unexpected barrier to purchasing something as simple as lint rollers. These inexpensive items were locked behind a glass cabinet, requiring me to press a button to unlock it.
The inconvenience of this process immediately raised questions about the rationale behind such measures. Why would store managers restrict access to low-value products, slowing down the shopping experience? This practice seems counterintuitive in a retail environment where seamless customer interaction leads to higher sales.
“We have people that, in broad daylight, will walk right in with backpacks and take everything off a shelf and shove it into their bag and leave. They don’t care if you see them, and they don’t care if they are on camera. CVS would literally not be in business anymore if we didn’t lock things up.”
However, locking up inexpensive items can do more harm than good—it frustrates shoppers and may result in lost sales, as potential buyers could abandon their purchases entirely. This calls for store management to reconsider its approach. After all, a hassle-free shopping experience remains a crucial factor in retail success.
Crosswalk signals in Mountain View, California, have undergone an important upgrade. The old system required pedestrians and cyclists to press a button to activate the walk signal. For cyclists, this often meant stopping and dismounting, creating an inconvenience.
In contrast, the new system is a touchless design that allows pedestrians and cyclists to wave their hand to activate the signal. Regardless of whether it is Guardian Wave or nxtCycle Wave, this improvement makes it more convenient for everyone, especially cyclists who no longer need to stop and manually press a button.
This shift may also reflect changing attitudes towards physical touch in public spaces after the COVID-19 pandemic. Consumer researchers highlighted the importance of the “need for touch,” but this need may have diminished as people increasingly avoid touching shared surfaces. The new touch-less crosswalk system may be an adaptation to this evolving preference, signaling a broader trend toward touchless design in public spaces.
This research details the development of the “Need for Touch” (NFT) scale designed to measure individual differences in preference for haptic (touch) information. The 12-item NFT scale consists of autotelic and instrumental dimensions. Results are reported that support the scale’s hypothesized internal structure as well as its reliability, convergent, discriminant, and nomological validity. Individual differences in chronic accessibility to haptic information across groups varying in NFT were also found in two experiments. Additionally, NFT moderated the relationship between direct experience and confidence in judgment.
A recent drive on an express lane showed tolls as high as $9 to Broadway and $10 to I-380, depending on the real-time traffic conditions. The price for using the same road is not predetermined but decided on the spot.
Dynamic tolls or congestion pricing may adjust based on traffic volume, creating an anchor for drivers to evaluate the value of the express lane. If traffic is heavy, the higher toll can feel worth it when compared to the frustration of sitting in congestion.
Mental accounting, the tendency to categorize resources such as money and time, is a key principle at work. The price is not just about the toll but about the potential loss of time stuck in traffic. During a stressful commute, paying $10 to save several minutes is appealing. The system uses behavioral cues to nudge drivers into seeing the express lane as a valuable, time-saving option. This differentiated road pricing taps into our varying perceptions of time.
The sunk-cost effect, an irrational attention to non-recoverable past costs while making current decisions, has been documented widely in the domain of monetary costs. In this paper, I study the effect of past time investments on current decisions. In three experiments using choice situations, I demonstrate that the sunk-cost effect is not observed for past investments of time, but the effect reappears when the investments are expressed as monetary quantities. I further propose that this ‘pseudo-rationality’ is due to the fact that individuals lack the ability to account for time in the same way as they account for money. In two additional experiments, I facilitate the accounting of time and show that the irrational sunk-cost effect reappears. In a final experiment, I test my propositions in a setting where subjects make real investments of time and subsequently make real choices.
While applying for my driver license in California, I encountered a section about organ donation. The DMV’s (Department of Motor Vehicles) approach is an example of default.
First, they primed me with two statements:
“One person can save up to 8 lives, and heal over 75, through organ and tissue donation for transplantation. You can register regardless of age or health.”
“Organ donation happens after death, and your decision will not impact medical treatment.”
The first statement emphasizes the positive impact, while the second addresses potential concerns. This balanced approach put me at ease and highlighted benefits.
Then comes the question: “Would you like to register?” with two options: “Yes” or “Not at this time.” This is where default comes into play. By framing the question this way, they make saying “yes” feel like the natural choice.
Interestingly, even if I chose “Not at this time,” I was informed that I am still in the registry but without the pink dot on my license that indicates donor status. This opt-out process requires additional steps, making it more likely for people to remain registered.
This example resonates the research about how defaults influence decision-making. By designing the process this way, the California DMV must have increased organ donation rates without forcing anyone’s hand.
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Reference
Johnson, E. J., & Goldstein, D. (2003). Do defaults save lives? Science, 302(5649), 1338–1339.
“If preferences concerning organ donation are strong, we would expect defaults to have little or no effect. However, as can be seen in the figure, defaults appear to make a large difference: the four opt-in countries (gold) had the lower rates than the six opt-out countries (blue)… One reason these results appear to be greater than those in our laboratory study is that the cost of changing from the default is higher; it involves filling out forms, making phone calls, and sending mail.” (pg. 1339)
